Pence put on a strong display of how to be prepared, pivot, and punch back
Indiana Gov. Mike Pence won Tuesday night’s vice presidential debate by a landslide, offering a polished, poignant performance some are suggesting Donald Trump could learn from ahead of his second face-off with Hillary Clinton Sunday.
As Pence and Virginia Sen. Time Kaine clashed during the debate in Farmville, Virginia, the well-prepared Pence maintained his cool in the face of Kaine’s incessant interruptions. In deftly dodging Kaine’s darts and refusing to become bogged down by his attacks, the Indiana governor winsomely presented the Trump campaign’s strong vision for implementing change in Washington and restoring greatness to the nation.
“This is exactly what Trump needed,” Ingraham said. “But what could Donald Trump learn from the way Mike Pence handled himself?”
“This is exactly what Trump needed,” LifeZette Editor-in-Chief Laura Ingraham said Wednesday on “The Laura Ingraham Show.” “But what could Donald Trump learn from the way Mike Pence handled himself?”
Ingraham said despite the fact Pence and Trump are “totally different people” with vastly differing styles, the GOP nominee could nevertheless garner some practical insights.
“Donald Trump is not going to be Mike Pence. He’s not gonna be someone who doesn’t react to all attacks,” Ingraham said, noting that Trump cannot afford to “squander precious time” on trivial things that don’t matter.
“I think [Trump] can learn a lot from Mike Pence about the pivot, which is something you have to do in these debate settings. You can’t stay on whatever the moderator wants you to answer. You have to move to your points.”
Byron York, the chief political correspondent for the Washington Examiner, told Ingraham the next debate for Trump will be his “last chance” to make up for his rough first performance.
“Remember we were saying that about the first debate, that it was so critical and Trump has this huge opportunity. It is a one-time opportunity. Well, it was kind of a one-time opportunity, but I do think he has another chance,” York said, noting that President Obama made a magnificent comeback in his second debate during his 2012 bid for re-election — after suffering a crushing defeat in the first one to then-GOP nominee Mitt Romney.
“It’s possible he could have another chance. But he has to be better, and to do that, he has to have been working this last week or so on a lot of this traditional stuff,” York said.
York and Ingraham pointed to how Pence spent weeks preparing for the vice presidential debate, participating in mock debates and reviewing Kaine’s old debate footage during his runs for the Senate and for Virginia governor. In stark contrast, Trump eschewed these “traditional” preparation methods.
“[Pence] was 12 years in the House of Representatives in the leadership and he’s been governor of Indiana for three years. He’s been studying and working with policy for years and years. Donald Trump has not, so he can’t just do that,” York said. “But, Trump is Trump, and he has the advantage on issues over Hillary Clinton. And if he performs well, then I think he really does have a chance to get back in it.”
Both Ingraham and York agreed that Trump should decrease the number of rallies he gives just before each of the two remaining events. The GOP nominee participated in a rally the day before the first debate, and he is scheduled to give another one the day before the second debate.
“I mean, I’m not giving him advice, but man — I would just have him stay put, get rested, and just focus on that debate, because I think the debate is really important,” Ingraham said.
York added, “Obviously, I think Trump thinks that it gives him a sort of push of energy, this extra boost, this wind under his wings to do that. But, a debate is not a rally, and this one truly is, I think, his last chance to come out and do well before a massive TV audience.”
If Trump can pull a solid second debate performance, the polls — which have been swinging up and down before meeting the middle in a continuous cycle for months — could stabilize and give Trump the edge he needs to win, York said.
Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions, a campaign surrogate for Trump, agreed that Trump’s poll numbers depend on his ability to churn out a solid second debate performance.
“Now I think he can begin an ascent toward Election Day because the issues, as you indicate, reflect the concerns of the American people. Nobody is protecting their interests,” Sessions said. “So I think if we can get this message and this campaign back to those fundamental issues and why Donald Trump’s policies will make America stronger, better and more prosperous, then he’ll be on track to regain the lead that he had twice moving forward.”
In the end, Sessions believes that Trump has always had the edge over Clinton in terms of his campaign message and his willingness to both listen to and champion the concerns of the American people. If Trump can make this clear in the second debate, then he can build on Pence’s boost in momentum and claim victory on Election Day — because Clinton represents “the epitome of the global Establishment special interest camp.”
“This is about the concerns of the American people. They have been ignored. Hillary Clinton calls them ‘irredeemable deplorables.’ I mean, this is the mindset of the mainstream of Establishment power groups from globalists to Washington, D.C. They’re used to running things their way, and they’ve stiffed the American people in their interests,” Sessions concluded. “This is the kind of thing that creates an opportunity for us to elect somebody who’s in tune with where the people are, and I think Donald Trump’s message is there.”
“It’s so great to be here tonight. I am honored to also be joined this evening by Governor Scott Walker, Chairman Reince Priebus, and Mayor Rudy Giuliani.
We are at a decisive moment in this election.
Last week, I laid out my plan to bring jobs back to our country. Yesterday, I laid out my plan to defeat Radical Islamic Terrorism. Tonight, I am going to talk about how to make our communities safe again from crime and lawlessness.
Let me begin by thanking the law enforcement officers here in this city, and across this country, for their service and sacrifice in difficult times.
The violence, riots and destruction that have taken place in Milwaukee is an assault on the right of all citizens to live in security and peace.
Law and order must be restored. It must be restored for the sake of all, but most especially the sake of those living in the affected communities.
The main victims of these riots are law-abiding African-American citizens living in these neighborhoods. It is their jobs, their homes, their schools and communities which will suffer as a result.
There is no compassion in tolerating lawless conduct. Crime and violence is an attack on the poor, and will never be accepted in a Trump Administration.
The narrative that has been pushed aggressively for years now by our current Administration, and pushed by my opponent Hillary Clinton, is a false one. The problem in our poorest communities is not that there are too many police, the problem is that there are not enough police.
More law enforcement, more community engagement, more effective policing is what our country needs.
Just like Hillary Clinton is against the miners, she is against the police. You know it, and I know it.
Those peddling the narrative of cops as a racist force in our society – a narrative supported with a nod by my opponent – share directly in the responsibility for the unrest in Milwaukee, and many other places within our country.
They have fostered the dangerous anti-police atmosphere in America.
Everytime we rush to judgment with false facts and narratives – whether in Ferguson or in Baltimore – and foment further unrest, we do a direct disservice to poor African-American residents who are hurt by the high crime in their communities.
During the last 72 hours, while protestors have raged against the police here in Milwaukee, another 9 were killed in Chicago and another 46 were wounded. More than 2,600 people have been shot in Chicago since the beginning of the year, and almost 4,000 killed in President Obama’s hometown area since his presidency began.
How are we serving these American victims by attacking law enforcement officers?
The war on our police must end. It must end now.
The war on our police is a war on all peaceful citizens who want to be able to work and live and send their kids to school in safety.
Our job is not to make life more comfortable for the rioter, the looter, the violent disruptor. Our job is to make life more comfortable for the African-American parent who wants their kids to be able to safely walk the streets. Or the senior citizen waiting for a bus. Or the young child walking home from school.
For every one violent protestor, there are a hundred moms and dads and kids on that same city block who just want to be able to sleep safely at night. My opponent would rather protect the offender than the victim.
Hillary Clinton-backed policies are responsible for the problems in the inner cities today, and a vote for her is a vote for another generation of poverty, high crime, and lost opportunities.
I care too much about my country to let that happen.
We all care too much about our country to let that happen.
Good policing saves lives. My dear friend, Rudy Giuliani, knows a thing or two about this. The policies put into place by Rudy ultimately brought down crime by 76 percent and murder by 84 percent. Think of how many families were saved, how much heartache was prevented, when police were put into communities and criminals were removed.
Imagine how many lives could have been saved, all across this country, if Democratic politicians hadn’t blocked in their cities what Rudy did in New York City? I’ll make sure we deliver safe neighborhoods here in Milwaukee, and all across this country.
It’s easy for Hillary Clinton to turn a blind eye to crime when she has her own private security force. I believe all Americans, not just the powerful, are entitled to security.
Hillary Clinton has had her chance. She failed. Now it’s time for new leadership.
The Hillary Clinton agenda hurts poor people the most.
There is no compassion in allowing drug dealers, gang members, and felons to prey on innocent people. It is the first duty of government to keep the innocent safe, and when I am President I will fight for the safety of every American – and especially those Americans who have not known safety for a very, very long time.
I am asking for the vote of every African-American citizen struggling in our country today who wants a different future.
It is time for our society to address some honest and very difficult truths.
The Democratic Party has failed and betrayed the African-American community. Democratic crime policies, education policies, and economic policies have produced only more crime, more broken homes, and more poverty.
Let us look at the situation right here in Milwaukee, a city run by Democrats for decade after decade. Last year, killings in this city increased by 69 percent, plus another 634 victims of non-fatal shootings. 18-29-year-olds accounted for nearly half of the homicide victims. The poverty rate here is nearly double the national average. Almost 4 in 10 African-American men in Milwaukee between the ages of 25-54 do not have a job. Nearly four in 10 single mother households are living in poverty. 55 public schools in this city have been rated as failing to meet expectations, despite ten thousand dollars in funding per-pupil. There is only a 60% graduation rate, and it’s one of the worst public school systems in the country.
1 in 5 manufacturing jobs has disappeared in Milwaukee since we fully opened our markets to China, and many African-American neighborhoods have borne the brunt of this hit.
To every voter in Milwaukee, to every voter living in every inner city, or every forgotten stretch of our society, I am running to offer you a better future.
The Democratic Party has taken the votes of African-Americans for granted. They’ve just assumed they’ll get your support and done nothing in return for it. It’s time to give the Democrats some competition for these votes, and it’s time to rebuild the inner cities of America – and to reject the failed leadership of a rigged political system.
I’m not part of the corrupt system. In fact, the corrupt system is trying to stop me. I’ve been paying my own way. The voters in the Republican Party this year defied the donors, the consultants, the power brokers, and choose a nominee from outside our failed and corrupt and broken system.
The other party – the Democratic Party – nominated the personification of special interest corruption. The Democratic Party rigged the nomination to give it to Hillary Clinton, thus giving the soul of their party this year to the special interests.
I am running to listen to your voice, to hear your cries for help. The quiet voices in our society, not the loudest demonstrators, need to have their demands heard.
Jobs. Safety. Opportunity. Fair and equal representation.
We reject the bigotry of Hillary Clinton which panders to and talks down to communities of color and sees them only as votes, not as individual human beings worthy of a better future. She doesn’t care at all about the hurting people of this country, or the suffering she has caused them.
The African-American community has been taken for granted for decades by the Democratic Party. It’s time to break with the failures of the past – I want to offer Americans a new future.
It is time for rule by the people, not rule by special interests.
Every insider, getting rich off of our broken system, is throwing money at Hillary Clinton. The hedge fund managers, the Wall Street investors, the professional political class.
It’s the powerful protecting the powerful.
Insiders fighting for insiders.
I am fighting for you.
When we talk about the insider, who are we talking about? It’s the comfortable politicians looking out for their own interests. It’s the lobbyists who know how to insert that perfect loophole into every bill. It’s the financial industry that knows how to regulate their competition out of existence. The insiders also include the media executives, anchors and journalists in Washington, Los Angeles, and New York City, who are part of the same failed status quo and want nothing to change.
Every day you pick up a newspaper, or turn on the nightly news, and you hear about some self-interest banker or some discredited Washington insider says they oppose our campaign. Or some encrusted old politician says they oppose our campaign. Or some big time lobbyist says they oppose our campaign.
I wear their opposition as a badge of honor. Because it means I am fighting for REAL change, not just partisan change. I am fighting – all of us across the country are fighting – for peaceful regime change in our own country. The media-donor-political complex that’s bled this country dry has to be replaced with a new government of, by and for the people.
The leadership class in Washington D.C., of which Hillary Clinton has been a member for thirty years, has abandoned the people of this country.
I am going to give the people their voice back.
Think about it. The people opposing our campaign are the same people who have left our border open and let innocent people suffer as a result.
The people opposing our campaign are the same people who have led us into one disastrous foreign war after another.
The people opposing our campaign are the same people who lied to us about one trade deal after another.
Aren’t you tired of a system that gets rich at your expense?
Aren’t you tired of big media, big businesses, and big donors rigging the system to keep your voice from being heard?
Are you ready for change?
Are you ready for leadership that puts you, the American people, first? That puts your country first? That puts your family first?
Let’s talk about what this means for the inner cities of America. It’s time to break through the television noise, the entrenched interests. I understand that a lot of powerful people in our political system – a lot of people who’ve created our problems – will lose a lot of their contracts, and their special gigs, if African-American voters, and all minority voters, support my campaign.
It’s time to stop making the special interests rich. It’s time to make the American people rich.
I am going to Make America Wealthy Again.
The Democratic Party has run nearly every inner city in this country for 50 years, and run them into financial ruin.
They’ve ruined the schools.
They’ve driven out the jobs.
They’ve tolerated a level of crime no American should consider acceptable.
Violent crime has risen 17% in America’s 50 largest cities last year. Killings of police officers this year is up nearly 50 percent. Homicides are up more than 60% in Baltimore. They are up more than 50% in Washington, D.C.
This is the future offered by Hillary Clinton. More poverty, more crime, and more of the same. The future she offers is the most pessimistic thing I can possibly imagine.
It is time for a different future.
Here is what I am proposing.
First, on immigration. No community in this country has been hurt worse by Hillary Clinton’s immigration policies than the African-American community. Now she is proposing to print instant work permits for millions of illegal immigrants, taking jobs directly from low-income Americans. I will secure our border, protect our workers, and improve jobs and wages in your community. We will only invite people to join our country who share our tolerant values, who support our Constitution, and who love all of our people.
On trade, I am going to renegotiate NAFTA, stand up to China, withdraw from the TPP, and protect every last American job.
On taxes, I am going to give a massive tax cut to every worker and small business in this country, bring thousands of new companies and millions of new jobs onto our shores – and make it very difficult for our businesses to leave.
I am going to reform our regulations so jobs stay in America, and new businesses come to America to hire workers right here in Milwaukee. Every policy my opponent has sends jobs overseas. I am going to bring trillions in new wealth back to the United States.
On education, it is time to have school choice, merit pay for teachers, and to end the tenure policies that hurt good teachers and reward bad teachers. We are going to put students and parents first.
Hillary Clinton would rather deny opportunities to millions of young African-American children, just so she can curry favor with the education bureaucracy.
I am going to allow charter schools to thrive, and help young kids get on the American ladder of success: a good education, and a good-paying job.
On crime, I am going to support more police in our communities, appoint the best prosecutors and judges in the country, pursue strong enforcement of federal laws, and I am going to break up the gangs, the cartels and criminal syndicates terrorizing our neighborhoods. To every lawbreaker hurting innocent people in this country, I say: your free reign will soon come crashing to an end.
On healthcare, we are going to get rid of Obamacare – which has caused soaring double-digit premium increases – and give choice to patients and consumers. Aetna, just today, announced they are dropping out – as are many of the major insurance companies.
On government corruption, I am going to restore honor to our government. We’ve seen the corruption of Hillary Clinton, the mass email deletions, the pay-for-play at the State Department, the profiteering, the favors given to foreign corporations and governments at your expense. We’ve seen a former Secretary of State lie to Congress about her illegal email scheme, risk innocent American lives, and bring dishonor onto our government.
In my Administration, I am going to enforce all laws concerning the protection of classified information. No one will be above the law.
I am going to forbid senior officials from trading favors for cash by preventing them from collecting lavish speaking fees through their spouses when they serve.
I am going to ask my senior officials to sign an agreement not to accept speaking fees from corporations with a registered lobbyist for five years after leaving office, or from any entity tied to a foreign government. This is all just the beginning.
We are going to make this a government of the people once again. This is our chance to take back power from all the people who’ve taken it from you. The reason you see the establishment media lining up behind my opponent is because they are scared that you, with your vote, can take away their power and return it to your family and community.
These are tough times. But I know we can make American Greater Than Ever Before.
To do this, we are going to need a fighter in the White House.
I will be your fighter.
To defeat crime and Radical Islamic Terrorism in our country, to win trade in our country, you need tremendous physical and mental strength and stamina. Hillary Clinton doesn’t have that strength and stamina. She cannot win for you.
Most importantly, she has bad judgment. Bad judgment on terrorism, bad judgement on foreign policy, bad judgment on trade.
The only individuals she’s ever delivered for is her donors – not the people.
I’ve said it before, and I’ll say it again. My opponent asks her supporters to repeat a three-word pledge. Her pledge reads: “I’m With Her”
I choose to recite a different pledge. My pledge reads: “I’m With You – the American people.”
I will fight to ensure that every American is treated equally, protected equally, and honored equally. We will reject bigotry and hatred and oppression in all of its forms, and seek a new future of security, prosperity and opportunity – a future built on our common culture and values as one American people.
I am asking for your vote so I can be your champion in the White House. We will once again be a country of law and order, and a country of great success.
To every parent who dreams for their children, and to every child who dreams for their future, I say these words to you tonight: I’m with you, I will fight for you, and I will win for you.
Together, We Will Make America Strong Again.
We Will Make American Safe Again.
And We Will Make America Great Again.
Thank you, and God Bless.”
Although the Democratic National Convention still has almost two full days to go, it has already managed to descend into a complete and utter farce.
From anti-Trump hysteria to hypocritical, brain-dead celebrities, to the embrace of extreme radical left-wing ideology, the 2016 DNC illustrates just how far removed from the concerns of normal, everyday folks the Democratic P:arty has become.
Nothing screams a concern for middle America as much as a panel discussion on the important topic of whether or not transgender men can get abortions.
Indeed, nothing screams a concern for middle America as much as a panel discussion on the important topic of whether or not transgender men can get abortions. That’s exactly what occurred at the DNC in an event hosted by The Atlantic entitled “Young Women Rising: America’s Next Top Voter?”
When the panel was questioned about reproductive rights and men who identify as women — because evidently safe, legal access to abortion is a pressing issue for “women” who don’t have uteruses — actress Amber Tamblyn chimed in happily.
“I wouldn’t know any statistics on that but I would say that goes again with the same notion of community, and fighting for everyone together,” Tamblyn said. “That for me as a heterosexual white woman to talk about reproductive rights and sit on the board of directors for Planned Parenthood, I have to not just talk about my people. I have to talk about everybody,” she said.
“The fact that I don’t know [if men who identify as women are having their reproductive rights infringed upon], the fact that I don’t have an answer should tell you a lot about what I need to learn,” Tamblyn continued.
Indeed, the DNC has so far been a glaring reminder of the Democratic Party’s somewhat bizarre belief that entertainment celebrities are somehow uniquely qualified to discuss the important sociopolitical issues of the day.
“Hillary knows that access and opportunity are the American promise. Not transphobia, Islamophobia, xenophobia, and systemic racism,” said living embodiment of everything wrong with modern feminism, Lena Dunham.
Dunham appeared with America Ferrara, a B-list TV actress who, as the daughter of Hispanic immigrants who named her after this country, is an obvious darling of the Left.
Dunham and Ferrara’s performance made clear the Democrats have no serious intent on debating the GOP or Trump’s ideas, but will instead cry big bad hateful wolf. “According to Donald Trump, I’m probably a rapist,” Ferrara said.
The most galling statement, however, came from Dunham. “I am a pro-choice, feminist, sexual assault survivor with a chronic reproductive illness … His rhetoric about women takes us back to a time when we were meant to be beautiful and silent,” Dunham claimed. “Meanwhile, 22 years ago, Hillary Clinton declared that women’s rights are human rights,” she continued.
The 2016 DNC, ladies and gentlemen: in which a woman who joked in her autobiography about molesting her own little sister claims to be a sexual assault survivor while praising a woman who defended a child rapist in court and spent a lifetime silencing her husband’s sexual assault victims as a champion of women.
In addition to putting a premium on celebrities spewing asinine nonsense, the DNC made sure to pander aggressively to every possible interest group on their progressive planet — other than white males, obviously.
Indeed, the DNC’s social justice stage props have included everything from an 11-year-old girl and her illegal-alien mother, to the mothers of young black men killed by police, to a disabled woman in a wheelchair, and even a dwarf. On Thursday the DNC — which has decided to do away with single-sex bathrooms because apparently the desire for privacy and comfort is a form of bigotry — will feature the first transgender person to address a national convention.
The Democrats’ politically correct pandering has become so palpable it reaches the level of parody.
In which a card-carrying member of the East Coast cultural elite travels the length of the border in search of Donald Trump’s America—and learns to stop worrying and love the Wall.
Trump is right.We must build the Wall.
I say this as a classic liberal journalist, flanked by my awards from Planned Parenthood and the pro-labor Sidney Hillman Foundation. Like most liberals, my first reaction to the Wall was disgust. How un-American!
Then I went to the border.
For seven days and seven nights I wandered the desert, speaking to the people of the border towns. I crossed the international line and went to the places where the dead are found. All that time, the Wall was a prion in my brain.
Even in draft form, the Wall was already disrupting alliances and unsettling old assumptions. Was it sparked by globalism? Free trade? Capitalism? Racism? Prescription narcotics? Fox News? Would the Republican party survive? Would NATO survive? Would Breitbart survive? What were the blogs saying?
But the more I traveled, the less sense anything made.
And finally, on the seventh day, blasting down the 10 into Texas at 75 miles an hour with the windows open and Pat Benatar on the radio, clarity and that kick-ass chorus arrived at the exact same moment:
Why don’t you hit me with your best shot, Hit me with your best shot, Fire away!
And so I entered the Spirit of the Wall, and saw that the Wall is good.
Begin at the border towns, approaching people at random to reduce the selectivity bias that blindfolds so many in these partisan times.
Here’s Mike Pommerenke, an old guy power walking on the shoulder of the road in Amado, Arizona, just thirty miles from the Mexican border. His answer bursts out of him like something under pressure:
“I say build the wall! They should not be checking them to see if they’re criminals and then letting ’em go—that’s bullshit. They’re a criminal being here. I don’t see what the discussion is. Put the wall up, send ’em all back.”
“I’m a Trump man,” Pommerenke adds unnecessarily. “If he don’t win, I’m not voting.”
The woman walking with him is his aunt, Kathy Kingsrud. She looks like a retired schoolteacher except for the Air Force bomber jacket. “We gotta stop this mess,” she agrees. “I don’t like them being on our welfare system and getting all the benefits that we have a hard time getting.”
Two hundred and sixty miles east in Columbus, New Mexico, bitter feelings about the border go back to Pancho Villa’s raid in 1916. At the old train depot, a grizzled man called Jack mans the counter of the local historical society, wisps of hair floating out from under his floppy Western hat. In the next room there is a safe with Mexican bullet holes and a diorama of the ruined town. “Am I in favor of Donald Trump? I am, all right. I’m a Trumper. I think he will be very good for the country.”
The existing fence is a joke, Jack says. “The El Paso sector is an open door. I don’t care what Rick Perry says, he’s allowed it. They all have, same with Ted Cruz. There’s places you can just walk across.”
He goes on: Catch and release must end. Border crossers should be taken right back to the border, sanctuary cities should stop subverting the law, illegals should be denied medical care and education and food stamps. “They should be denied all of that. They’re not citizens—they’re not entitled to the benefit of being one.”
But these are old white people. What about someone with deeper roots in the area? Perhaps even, who knows, someone brown?
I head to Nogales, Arizona, a cozy little town tumbling over the rolling desert hills at the border, where the road ends in an eighteen-foot fence and a gate that recalls the glory days of Soviet architecture in Africa. The fence climbs up and down the jagged hillsides like a Dr. Seuss drawing if Dr. Seuss were a sad morbid man who had been traumatized as a child by Stalin. And here’s Chris Jimenez, who has lived on the American side all his life: born here, young, scruffy, and casual, a Bernie bro for sure. His opinion of the border crossers?
“They’re taking our jobs,” he says.
But, um, don’t migrants just take the crappy jobs Americans don’t want?
“Down here in Nogales, we have produce,” Jimenez says. “And when they send the fruit or vegetables from across the border, they repack everything here. So there’s a lot of people from across the border, and they get a visa but they don’t have a permit to work, and the packers hire them. And they pay half, like four bucks an hour. So if I go there and I try to get a job, they’re like, ‘Oh, no, we don’t need people right now.’ ”
People in his community are angry about it, for sure. “Like, everybody,” he says. But surely Jimenez is an anomaly.
Here’s another Hispanic dude just outside the border gate, Javier Velez. He’s in his fifties and has also lived here his whole life, but he just became a naturalized citizen ten years ago. He must understand the plight of the undocumented. What does he think of Trump’s Wall?
“It would be a good thing,” he says. “You can divide both countries—you know where the United States is and where Mexico is.”
The threat to jobs is real, Velez says. “It’s not fair,” he says. “I think it’s not fair.”
He even likes Trump, kind of. “I don’t know, he speaks a lot of truth.”
Along the border, Anglos were more sympathetic to the border crossers and often spoke of compassion, but seven out of ten Hispanics wanted strict enforcement. Even the ones who didn’t speak English.
This was a constant theme all along the border. Anglos were more sympathetic to the border crossers and often spoke of compassion, but seven out of ten Hispanics wanted strict enforcement—even the ones who didn’t speak English. Here’s Arturo Vargas, a fifty-year-old American citizen who listens with a puzzled expression to my high school Spanish. Finally, he gets it. “Sí, la barda.”
Meaning “Yes, a wall.”
“Qué piensa usted?”
With a gentle, musing expression on his face, Vargas says the idea does sound un poco media racista and he certainly gets that, but the fact is you’ve got to stop the illegals. He’s quite firm on that point. “No me gusta que pasan sin papeles porque cuando nosotros estamos aquí bien con papeles, ellos vienen muchas veces y hacen cosas que no deben de hacer. Y por ellos la llevamos nosotros que somos de desendencia mexicana.”
Which means, in rough translation, Fuck those people without papers—let ’em get in line.
What kind of wall could relieve these frustrations? As Javier Velez pointed out, the existing fence here in Nogales—which cost $4.21 million a mile—is easy to climb. It’s made out of metal tubes eighteen feet tall, so people can just grab the tubes and scoot up. There’s five feet of cement underneath that’s pretty easy to tunnel under—the Border Patrol has already discovered about fifty tunnels, some with roads and railroad tracks. In Tijuana, people cross in a vast complex of storm drains.
For decades, even this kind of fencing has been a struggle. They started in 1990 with fourteen miles along the California coast. That helped in California but pushed a 600 percent rise of migrants in the badlands of Arizona, causing an alarming increase in migrant deaths. George W. Bush promised seven hundred miles of super-duper double-layer fence in the Secure Fence Act of 2006, waiving the Clean Water Act, the Clean Air Act, the National Historic Preservation Act, the Endangered Species Act, the National Environmental Policy Act, the Coastal Zone Management Act, and the Migratory Bird Treaty Act—which gives a sense of the regulatory hurdles any serious waller faces. Bush ended up with just thirty-two miles of his fence by the time he left office, much of it around Yuma. Still the people stream through to work the vegetable fields, and some keep going.
For many people these days, even trying to imagine the Wall is morally wrong. When an architecture group called for a design competition recently, people protested, saying even rough sketches would get the site into Albert Speer territory. “It was just as if they were trying to design a guillotine, like in the French Revolution,” one says. “We can’t be your co-conspirators.” The woman who built Trump Tower—Barbara Res, the first female skyscraper construction supervisor in New York—refused to even speculate. “The whole thing is foolish,” she told me. “He knows it’s ridiculous, it’s environmentally impossible, but he still says it.”
This is how Trump always worked, she said, selling the sizzle when he literally didn’t have a steak—he got Trump Steaks from real meatpackers and rebranded them. When he was building the Trump SoHo, he blew so much smoke about how fabulous it was and how many thousands of buyers he had lined up, which pumped up the price even though it was not true, he ended up getting sued by his buyers for “fraudulent enticement.”
But Trump has gotten pretty specific about the Wall. He said it would be made of concrete panels “probably thirty-five to forty feet,” maybe as high as ninety, and he ruled out fencing altogether. “A wall is better than fencing, and it’s much more powerful. It’s more secure. It’s taller.” He said he would only build about a thousand miles of it because of the mountains and littoral areas. It’s not clear whether he would tear down the existing fence, or try to wall the most difficult and remote areas.
“Would it be thin?” Res asked. Concrete panels, like the ones they use as sound barriers on highways, are generally just a few inches thick. “They’d just put ladders over it. You’d have to have a road in the middle like the Great Wall of China.”
That’s the idea. The Great Wall—twenty-five feet high, thirteen thousand miles long—preserved the traditional Chinese way of life for five hundred years. These things have to be built on a massive scale—powerful enough, as Trump says, to deliver the proper message.
When Bush was building his fence in 2007, Mexicans attacked Border Patrol agents with guns and molotov cocktails. In some places, drug smugglers and coyotes have crashed one car after another into the fence, ten cars in one case, trying to open up a hole. In other areas, smugglers stand there brazenly in broad daylight and hacksaw through the metal tubes. By some estimates, the coyote business is the second-largest illegal business in Mexico.
This thing is going to have to have a lot of guard towers.
Drive east from El Paso, slide under the soaring bridges of the border gate and ten miles along on a four-lane highway with a no-man’s-land of barbed wire and railroad tracks on the Mexican side. When it turns north, take local roads down a long stretch of muffler shops and daycare centers with names like Los Tres Mosqueteros. The towns are called Socorro, San Elizario, Tornillo. The emerald and vermilion houses across the border are echoed in the colors here too, the Mexican culture bleeding across. The fence shutters through the trees and houses on the passenger-side window—until finally, across a grove of pecan trees, it just stops. Forty miles from El Paso, the only thing between Mexico and America is an irrigation ditch.
Out comes a kindly old gentleman named Marty Martinez. He’s had a little wood frame retreat in this cluster of houses for most of his life. “I myself caught a load of marijuana right there,” he says. “There’s three guys hauling bags, and I said, ‘Uh-oh, there’s a load coming across.’ ”
What did he do?
“Call the Border Patrol.”
And if they came back looking for revenge?
“I wish they would. I’d blast the hell out of ’em.”
Martinez is a former combat Marine and former Customs agent. He owns a rifle and sleeps with a .45 auto under his pillow. But he doesn’t seem angry, just amused. For years, he says, the migrants would knock at his mother’s door for food or water. Sometimes he found them sleeping in his truck. They’d come up while he was sitting at a campfire—Psst, psst, could you share the fire? They had a rendezvous point over there by that salt cedar tree and they’d want to hide till their ride arrived. His mother would feed them, she’s a good soul.
What would he do? “Call the sheriff.”
Standing by the irrigation ditch in a floppy field hat, leaning on a hoe, Martinez glances over the rolling hills to the mountains that fade out in the distance in shades of blue—pausing, as Westerners often do, to take the vastness of the landscape into account. “This has been one of the favorite smuggling areas since time began. They used to smuggle, back in the thirties, canela—what’s canela called in English? Cinnamon. It was prohibited in Mexico. My grandfather was involved in that. And during Prohibition they brought liquor.”
Things have calmed down since last year, he says. That’s when they extended the fence and beefed up the Border Patrol. But the drug gangs still keep their product in warehouses right across those fields, and he hears automatic fire at night, AK-47’s and probably AR-15’s. They dump the bodies between those two mountains.
He shrugs off Trump’s more hostile comments about Mexicans. “The Mexican government won’t allow people to go in there and live wherever they want to. They’re more racist than we are, probably.”
And he’s all for the Wall—or, as he calls it, the Tortilla Curtain.
“Like Trump said, let’s make it fifty feet tall. Let’s go up as high as it can.”
Yes! Build the Wall! Build the Wall! This guy has drug mules in his yard! Imagine living across a pecan grove from the killing fields of Juárez! A few days ago a Mexican TV crew caught smugglers going over the fence with drugs in backpacks and the smugglers were pissed that their daily routine had been disrupted by a damn TV crew—stop filming if you know what’s good for you, you media buffoons.
But now peel back another layer. Drive down twenty miles of two-lane blacktop and past one checkpoint and you get to a speck of a town called Sasabe, Arizona. Ten houses? Twenty? All dusty brown stucco like windowed extrusions of the desert itself. Then there’s a ditch and a rise where there’s a border gate like a little police station straddling a road. The fence goes off into the rolling brown desert for about three miles in each direction. The guards say it’s quiet here now. A Border Patrol helicopter passes overhead, coming in from the Baboquivari Mountains, which rise up almost eight thousand jagged feet.
At the only store in town, an elegant straight-backed woman named Deborah Grider runs the register. She’s a fourth-generation Sasaban and wary of strangers. “If people come in here, I take their money,” she says. “I don’t ask questions.”
Is it dangerous?
“Do you feel danger?”
And the Wall?
“I don’t know what it means. What does he mean, exactly?”
She says she’s never had a problem “ever, ever.” People do come in looking for water. They get stranded out in the desert and they see the light, the only light for miles around. Sometimes they haven’t eaten for four or five days and they think they’re only three miles from Phoenix because the coyotes lied to them. By that time, they’re usually ready to give themselves up. She calls Border Patrol, calls their families to let them know they’re alive. She feeds them.
With a cool look, she nods to a tip jar on the counter. She’s collecting money for something. A button on it reads NO MAS MUERTES.
(Who knows what it means, something in Spanish.)
Grider is not alone. At least half the people along the border express sympathy for the migrants. Some are ideological liberals, naturally. “To me, the Republican party’s always looking for some distraction because the majority of the people benefit from the Democratic party’s agenda,” says Milan Plecas, a waiter in an upscale restaurant in El Paso. But even people who are for the Wall are sympathetic to the migrants—Kathy Kingsrud’s full comment the day she was power walking was “I say put the wall up, but I’m also compassionate for the people that are already here.” Meaning she doesn’t agree with the mass-deportation idea, which almost makes her a Democrat. Phrases like “hardworking people looking for a better life” and “fleeing a terrible situation” come up over and over.
And in Nogales, Chris Jimenez didn’t stop with his complaints about Mexicans stealing jobs and lowering wages. Unable to get one of the repacking jobs, he said, he took a position at a local funeral home. One of his tasks was going out to the desert to pick up the bodies of migrants. He did this about twenty-five times. “And that’s when I started like, ‘Oh, man, poor people, they tried to cross the fence to get a new life and they’re risking their lives and everything.’ ”
Even Marty Martinez is all for resettling illegals. “We displace a lot of their governments,” he points out.
This spirit is deep in the culture of the border, just as deep as the desire for the Wall. There are dozens of activist groups like the Border Patrol Victims Network assisting migrants. This week’s theme at the Tucson alternative paper is the border and “resistance,” and it’s full of lines like “border dogs on leashes are snapping at your child’s shoulder in your own home.” The former mayor of Laredo said a wall would destroy his town, keeping out the Mexicans who make up 40 percent of the local economy. “Am I going to close the door on them and put up a wall?” Students at the University of Texas Brownsville protested a fence that would divide their campus. Even Ted Cruz released a statement that said we should help feed migrant children, “a compassionate response that embodies American values.” The ideal of a more welcoming America has also been part of the story of the West, and people down here are willing to fight for it.
So maybe the real problem isn’t sanctuary cities. It’s sanctuary citizens. We might have to ban them, too.
The farther you go, the more complicated things get, and there’s an overwhelming urge to leave out the people who don’t fit into boxes. Like Jeanine Whittaker, paused now along the highway a couple dozen miles from a Mexican town called Palomas. She’s collecting cans. It pays for gas and she has three discs out in her back, which is why she had to give up her job at Walmart. She’s lived here ten years, in Socorro before that, Michigan originally. She has a kind, wrinkled face and she is not a Trump supporter at all. He’s “a terrible thing for America,” she says. She has compassion for the migrants, who are mostly families and people looking for work. When she goes rock hunting up in the Three Sisters—that’s them right there in the distance—hunting for carnelians and hematite, she sees them all the time, poor things, with their bundles of clothes and tired children. When they ask for water, she gives them water.
But the drug dealers are a problem. Car theft is high. So is burglary, especially being on a highway here, and you can tell when it’s illegals ’cause they’ll leave the guns. Even schoolkids get dragged into it. The local school buses Mexican kids from the border—it’s a tradition, they’ve done it for years—but recently some kid got caught with a brick of pot in his backpack. “And a couple times, I think it was last year, illegals got on the school bus and the driver was too afraid to say anything, drove ’em all the way into town.” Worst off are the ranchers who have land along the border. “They’re petrified. Something has to be done.”
“Well, I think, probably, yeah.”
Then there’s this guy Bob Howger, a sixty-four-year-old white man in a McDonald’s parking lot in Nogales who says he’ll vote for Trump. “Politicians bullshit us all the time. I’m sick of it. Most people seem to be. Maybe we’re finally getting to where we don’t put up with this crap anymore.”
But Howger hates even the idea of a wall. “It should be an open border. Why do people need to have a fence to keep ’em out or keep ’em in? It’s ridiculous. I wanna go wherever I wanna go, I’m an earthling. Why do you gotta have the government tell you what you can and cannot do? Most of them are unqualified to run their own life. Just leave me alone.”
The border fence extends 300 feet into the Pacific Ocean between Tijuana and San Diego; 652 miles of the fence ahas been completed.
These people represent an ornery strain of American individualism that swings from left to right and casts a suspicious eye on all forms of external restraint, including conventional notions of law and order and the social contract itself. To them, borders are just another form of big government—a sentiment your reporter regards with some sympathy. He spent his high school years seventeen miles from the DMZ in Korea and came to associate border crossers with desperate refugees flinging themselves on barbed wire. At eighteen, he walked a Mexican hippie across the border and gave him a ride to L. A., which seemed like a friendly thing to do. For years, he employed a Guatemalan to cut his lawn and never asked for papers, which would have seemed rude—plus, minor point, the U. S. overthrew the gardener’s reform-minded leader and plunged his homeland into a nightmare of death.
“I wanna go wherever I wanna go, I’m an earthling. Why do you gotta have the government tell you what you can and cannot do? Most of them are unqualified to run their own life.”
“I’m more free in Mexico, my friend, than I am here,” Jack the historian continued. “I can go down there, sit in a bar, smoke a cigarette, and drink beer. Can’t do that here. I don’t have to put on a seat belt. Cops up here go out of their way to give tickets. I don’t like cops. I don’t like getting stopped thirty miles north of the border, and I’m offended by somebody asking what’s my citizenship.”
Gradually, a strange pattern emerges. Those who ignore the Jeanine Whittakers and Bob Howgers to focus on the partisans of either side will never see this pattern, but Trump sees it—or maybe he feels it, vibrating at him through the crowds. It’s one of the things that make him a visionary.
Here’s a Border Patrol officer manning the crossing at Nogales. “I’m a citizen, I get to have an opinion—don’t shoot me, but I like Trump.”
But an actual wall, no way. “It’s not gonna solve the problem. The only way to solve it is to station one of us every hundred feet from California to Brownsville.”
Here’s Jack, all for Trump except for that one little detail: “I’m bigger on aerial surveillance, drone surveillance, and obeying the laws that are on the books.”
Here’s Marty Martinez: “He thinks he’s going to build it, but it takes too much money, and anything the president wants has to go through Congress, plus there’s rivers and Indian reservations—too many mountains, too many snakes.”
Networks of tunnels —this one was built to smuggle drugs between Tijuana and San Diego and is 2,600 feet long—will multiply should the border wall be built.
This is just a few weeks before the Border Patrol union board endorses Trump, and even they don’t think Trump will build a wall—instead, he’ll “embrace the ideas of rank-and-file Border Patrol agents rather than listening to the management yes-men who say whatever they are programmed to say.”
According to more and more smart people, it seems, Trump himself doesn’t really believe in the Wall. “Trump’s statements are not intended to be ‘true’ or ‘false,’ ” writes the National Review. “They’re not intended to represent what he actually believes.” According to Salon, Trump represents “the widespread acceptance of bullshit as the legitimate political discourse.” After he endorsed torture, one of his own policy advisors dismissed his statement as mere politics. This pattern flows through all his proposals. The health care that was going to be better than Obamacare turned out to be warmed-over GOP boilerplate about gutting state insurance regulations. Sympathy for the worker ended with the usual tax cuts for the rich. And 50 percent of undocumented migrants in the U. S. overstay their visas, which a wall would do nothing to change. But those are details for people who grub after details, the same people who told us that macroeconomics meant that losing our factories didn’t matter because we could now shop for less at Walmart.
According to more and more smart people, it seems, Trump himself doesn’t really believe in the Wall.
Trump has blasted past all of that. He’s gone full American. He’s operating on the level of myth. In a beaten-down time of anxiety and depression, he’s throwing out a bold new vision. His Wall is Marilyn on the grate, the hunt for Moby Dick, Marlon Brando on his motorcycle, a pure American image shot in CinemaScope by Cecil B. DeMille. It’s a manifesto in a single word, a pure idea—and God knows it’s been a long time since America has had a pure idea.
So what will Trump decide when he consults with the people who know best? What will the Wall look like in drab reality? I reach out and word comes back: Talk to Sam Sadler. He is the rank-and-file Border Patrol agent who, now that he’s retired, says what the weenies in management are afraid to say. Nobody knows the border better than he does.
Now here’s Sadler, sitting in his garage in Deming, New Mexico, surrounded by circular saws and drill presses and memorabilia from twenty-five years in the Border Patrol, his coffee cup perched on the end of a stepladder. He “bleeds green,” as they say—grew up in a Texas border town called Del Rio, learned Spanish at the knee of a Mexican nanny, filled out the application card at seventeen, mustered in at nineteen, and got sent straight to Chula Vista, California, the “war zone.” This was in ’87, when the Border Patrol had fewer than three thousand agents and hundreds of migrants would mass on the line for “banzai runs.” In Moody Canyon, at the Soccer Field, at Lalo’s Crossing and Memo Lane, they’d come down the cliffs by the hundreds, rocks falling around them, and when they hit bottom you blast the lights and it’s an explosion of bodies. One time, he arrested eighty people all by himself. You sat them down and called transport to get them out before the next wave hit. When Operation Gatekeeper slowed that down in the nineties, the hot spot moved to Deming. Forty agents covered forty-seven miles of border and there was nothing to stop the crossers, not even barbed wire. On the Mexican side, they were throwing up hotels for the migrants. Sadler moved there and rose to watch commander. In 2006, his team made 42,600 arrests.
Trump’s wall is manifesto in a single word, a pure idea—and God knows it’s been a long time since America has had a pure idea.
All this leaves Sadler, like so many members of the Border Patrol, sympathetic to the idea of the Wall. “Good fences make good neighbors” is his instant response.
So yeah, he’s all for the Wall.
But not an actual wall—that makes no sense. “If it’s a thousand feet high,” he says, “they’ll go underneath it. If it’s a thousand feet deep, they’ll go around it. If it’s a thousand miles long, they’ll go through it. A wall by itself doesn’t work.”
He’s been thinking about this his whole life, so the answers burst out of him. Sure, there are places where a physical fence will be effective—in a high-traffic area with lots of houses butting up against the fence, use whatever works: fence, wall, landing mat, crushed cars, climbproof chain-link, square tubing, horizontal railroad rails, concrete bollard barriers. But then they dig tunnels, so you’ve got to be able to detect the tunnels, too. It comes down to boots on the ground. And out in the more rural areas where you don’t have the infrastructure to support the electricity for cameras, or the littoral areas where you can’t build a fence along the river’s edge, you use drones or underground sensors or satellite imagery. “Persistent impedance” is the Border Patrol’s goal, not perfection.
What they need is enforcement, not letting people go and hoping they’ll show up in court. What they need is sophisticated radar systems like the one the Department of Defense once gave them to fight a plague of ultralight aircraft, or the long-range acquisition-systems optics that give actual geo-coordinates—that stuff would be a game changer, but the military won’t share. “I’ll be quite frank,” Sadler says. “They think this threat just isn’t big enough to justify bringing the resources to bear.”
He’s right, of course. Until Trump, the default consensus among both conservatives and liberals was that zero tolerance cost too much. Liberals wanted amnesty, and conservatives, despite all their talk of securing the border, never wanted to spend the money.
All this bugs a guy like Sadler, the ultimate straight arrow. In his book, rules are rules.
Do not joke with him about letting only the hot Latinas in, because he will give you a deadeye stare. “As a Border Patrol agent, the only hot woman is my wife.”
But Sadler’s thinking doesn’t stop with the hard line of the law. Several times he says that the greatest commandment is to love our neighbor as ourselves. When he tries to look at the big picture, he sounds almost pained. “When you have a draw that’s based on folks’ well-being—I mean, there are people that aren’t eating three square meals a day down there—you’re always gonna have those people who are willing to take the chance. The solution is Mexico. The government of Mexico becomes a government for the people. That’s the solution. Then you won’t need a wall.”
“If it’s a thousand feet high, they’ll go underneath it. If it’s a thousand feet deep, they’ll go around it. If it’s a thousand miles long, they’ll go through it.”
With this, I venture a personal question. Should I have asked my Guatemalan gardener for papers?
“I don’t know,” Sadler says. “You’re a private citizen. I don’t ask the guy who’s gonna work on my truck if he’s got documents or not.”
What about walking the Mexican hippie across the border?
There, Sadler draws the line. “That’s alien smuggling. Title 8-U.S.C.- Section 1324. It’s a felony.”
“I was eighteen.”
He controls a look of faint dismay. “You were eighteen,” he says, “and ignorance of the law is no excuse.”
A year and change after leaving the Border Patrol, he still grinds his teeth every night.
Drive on, merica, and the border will travel alongside you like a wound. Drive down the old Texas highway past Marfa, past Alpine, past Marathon, down to Big Bend National Park, where the naked mountains of West Texas tumble into the Rio Grande. No landscape in America is more remote and sublime. When the man who fought to make this a national park saw it for the first time, he said it was as close as he’d come to the mind of God. The vast scale feels eternal, unworldly. On the Mexican side, a massive cliff of orange stone rises fifteen hundred feet high and goes on for miles, monumental and forbidding. The river took millions of years to carve that cliff.
A sweet old park volunteer sighs. “People who support the wall have never been here.”
In the eighties, she says, they used to joke about Sandinistas trying to climb down all that vertical stone. How out of touch the people back in the cities were with the scale of things down here! “SPACE,” the poet Charles Olson said. “I spell it large because it comes large here.” That’s the essential fact about America, which people looking at screens tend to forget.
At the base of the cliff, the Rio Grande is just a glittering ribbon ten feet across. Skip a stone and it lands in Mexico. Take a boat down this river through the Santa Elena Canyon and pitch a tent in the stretch where the cliff goes up on both sides, fifteen hundred feet straight up. Look up from your sleeping bag and see a river of stars—Big Bend is also a dark sky preserve, one of the rare places in the world where a premodern starscape can still be seen. A wall on that cliff so far above would be a cosmic joke, a child’s scribble on the face of creation. It would be the boot of big government on the neck of a swan, and the people who say they want it would be the first to start tearing it down. There will never be a wall here.
Which means there is only one alternative: Fill in Big Bend! Blast down the Baboquivari Mountains! Cede the littoral areas of Texas to Mexico! We cannot let our kind hearts and monistic yearnings dissuade us from the great task ahead. Build that Wall! Put a road down the middle and rotating turrets every hundred yards, buy the latest in motion detectors, put in gyms for the troops so they stay in shape, plate the whole thing in gold! How beautiful that we respond to troubled times with a great new project, a massive new dream! Goodbye Frontier, hello Wall! Let the migrants fear to approach! Let them tremble in awe! When the climate refugees start to come twenty or thirty years from now, imagine the heroic songs we’ll sing of the Guardians of the Wall and their last great battles. Hit me with your best shot!
Trump has brought us the gift of clarity. To save the border, we must destroy it—or we must give up the beautiful dream of independence we once declared and bind ourselves ever closer to a world in deep trouble.
There is no other choice.
In an exclusive telephone interview with Breitbart News, Laura Wilkerson, whose son was tortured to death by an illegal alien, explained why she cast her early ballot today for GOP frontrunner, Donald Trump.
“Trump will get in there and do something about [immigration]. I believe him. I want someone in there who has said they’ll do it and will do it… So many people stay home because it doesn’t affect them,” Wilkerson said. “And I understand that. I was the same way until [my son] Josh was murdered. But at some point, we have to close the door and deal with who we have here before anyone else comes.”
By contrast to her support for Trump, Wilkerson said that she “gave no consideration to voting Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL)
… I do not trust him for one second… He does not speak to the victims [of illegal alien crime],” Wilkerson explained. “Obviously, Rubio wants more immigration, no borders. That’s what his backers want and that’s the way he’s going to vote.”
Wilkerson, who described herself as a deeply religious person, defended Trump from the attacks by Pope Francis.
“I don’t think I’ve ever heard the Pope say one thing about our families [families who have lost loved ones at the hands of illegal immigrants]. I’m not sure he understands the loss we have felt. Is he just ignoring that? It rubbed me the wrong way,” Wilkerson told Breitbart.
Wilkerson’s 18-year-old son Joshua was tortured to death by a so-called DREAMER — i.e. an illegal immigrant who allegedly came to the country as a minor. Wilkerson said:
I follow Jesus Christ. I still sin sometimes, but I follow Jesus Christ. I am a Christian, and I have sympathy for everyone. I think God asks me to love everyone. He created us all equal, but I do not think God is asking me to help a whole country. I don’t think I can do that. I do not think he wants us to give up our family– because that’s what has happened. It tore my family to shreds. I had a solid, 25-year marriage, and we lost our last child. I had a take-your-kids-to-church-small-bussiness-obeyed-by-all-the-rules family. And this tore it to shreds. There’s nothing about me that’s racist or non-sympathetic. I don’t care who you are, I want to help you, but not at the expense of my own family.
Wilkerson explained that wanting to defend America’s sovereignty and close the border does not make her “not Christian:”
I am a Christian… I know I’ll go to heaven when I die, just like Josh did when he died. The Pope’s comments rubbed me the wrong way. Everyone in religion knows that no one can judge what’s in a man’s heart. That’s one of the very first things you learn in your faith. No man can judge another man. That’s why the Pope’s comments rubbed me the wrong way. I did not like that… I believe we need to do what we can for other people, but not at your own family’s expense. God doesn’t call us to ignore our families. God doesn’t call us to take care of other families first, or help other families at the direct expense of our own… I believe in God, family, country.
Earlier today, Wilkerson says, “I voted for Trump. It was a long, hard decision for me, but I came to the conclusion that it was really the best way for me to go. I usually vote more with religion. It was a hard vote between Trump and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), but I just feel like Donald Trump can get in there and do the things that need to be done quickly.”
Wilkerson made a point of noting that “Cruz was so kind to me when I testified about Josh’s death.” However, Wilkerson proceeded to explain that given her adamant desire to have a federal immigration policy that puts the interests of the American people first, she felt she had to vote Trump: “I realized that, having gotten into the fray of illegal immigration, this [voting for Trump] has to be my stance. It’s such chaos and I just believe that Mr. Trump will get in there and get it done quickly.”
Wilkerson said that she appreciated Trump’s full-throated support for law enforcement and American police officers, Wilkerson said: “I think everybody is starting to hear Trump [talk about immigration]. We know he’s recognizing problems that no one else will say. And I think the police — with the Black Lives Matter movement — feel undervalued, when they should be so overvalued. Our teachers, our policemen, the people who care for our children and our safety should be valued. There’s not one person who won’t call policemen when you need help. [When Josh was murdered], the policemen couldn’t have been any better to us. It was a terrible situation, but they could not have been any better to us.”
In stark contrast to her support for Trump, Wilkerson said she gave no consideration whatsoever to voting for Marco Rubio, pointing out that despite introducing multiple immigration expansion bills, he has not talked to the victims of illegal alien crime.
I gave no consideration to voting Marco Rubio. He was a Tea Party darling, who flipped and did the exact opposite of what he promised to do get elected. I do not trust him for one second. He never said one word to me, even after I testified. He does not speak to the victims [of illegal alien crime].
Wilkerson further explained that she was not surprised that Rep. Trey Gowdy (R-SC) — who has pushed to give citizenship to DREAMers like the illegal immigrant who murdered Wilkerson’s son — endorsed Rubio. She said, “I know why he threw his vote behind Rubio. Gowdy knows that Rubio is going to get in and do what he wants to do– which is open borders. Obviously Rubio wants more immigration, no borders. That’s what his backers want and that’s the way he’s going to vote.”
Wilkerson put forth a challenge to Gowdy and Rubio, who both have pushed for open border immigration policies: “I would tell Trey Gowdy and Marco Rubio, ‘Open your front door to anyone who wants to walk in and out. Open your front door.’”